IVICA ŠOLA Ikone ljevice tvrde: Antifašizam je novi opijum za narod

https://www.jutarnji.hr/globus/Globus-komentari/za-globus-pise-ivica-sola-ikone-ljevice-tvrde-antifasizam-je-novi-opijum-za-narod/7027056/

[size=21]Fašizacija društva, puzajući fašizam, neofašizam... Od Sjedinjenih Država preko Europe do Hrvatske, antifašisti svugdje vide fašiste. Tko god kaže da voli svoju domovinu, da voli svoju kulturu, tko god se protiv divljajućeg ekonomskog fanatizma i devastirajućih učinaka globalističkog kapitala na nacionalne ekonomije postavi kao suverenist, odmah je fašist. Ikonama globalne ljevice, ne desnice, već je pukao film na tu globalnu antifašističku demagogiju koja skriva prave probleme suvremenog svijeta. Tako je prvo Slavoj Žižek u The Independentu nedavno napisao: “Antifašizam, a ne religija, novi je opijum za narod.” I nastavlja cinično parafrazirajući Komunistički manifest: “Novi bauk kruži progresističkom politikom u Europi i Sjedinjenim Državama, bauk fašizma. Trump u Sjedinjenim Državama, Le Pen u Francuskoj, Orban u Mađarskoj – odmah su detektirani kao novo zlo protiv kojeg svi moramo ujediniti snage. Svaka minimalna sumnja ili odmak od takvog stava odmah se etiketira kao tajna kolaboracija s fašizmom.” Za Žižeka je antifašizam u odsutnosti stvarnih fašista obični fetiš koji služi za prikrivanje stvarnih problema suvremenog svijeta. Tzv. antifašisti su korisni idioti i sluge globalnog kapitala, jer dok radništvo i srednji sloj propada, nejednakosti rastu, oni izmišljaju nepostojeći fašizam tako da se “globalni kapitalizam predstavlja kao zadnja zaštita od fašizma”, veli Žižek.
Istog je mišljenja u istom listu i Noam Chomsky koji kaže: “Fašizam prošlog stoljeća nema ništa s današnjom desnicom... Razlike su radikalne. Tridesetih godina prošloga stoljeća nacisti su zavladali Njemačkom, fašizam se ustoličio u Italiji pa su nastali posvuda snažni antifašistički pokreti. Danas postoje neki prijeteći procesi, no to nije usporedivo s fašizmom.” Prema Chomskom, upravo su antife u SAD-u najveći saveznici Trumpa jer su radništvo i njihove probleme gurnuli na stranu Trumpa, dok se oni bore za LGBT-prava i prava vegetarijanaca i feministica, poput nesretne i poražene Hillary.
U domovini fašizma, Italiji, istog je mišljenja najistaknutiji neomarksist, autor knjige jasnog naslova “Dobrodošao Marx. Ponovno rođenje revolucionarne misli”, Diego Fusaro. Prema Fusaru, antifašizam u odsutnosti fašizma jest velika prijevara: “Antifašizam je bio razumljiv u vremenu Gramscija ili Gobettija, odnosno kada je fašizam bio na životu, današnji antifašizam više od sedamdeset godina od poraza nacifašizma jest u funkciji novoj jednoumlja zvanog politička korektnost”, pri čemu se događa perverzna fuzija između ljevice i fanatizma globalnog kapitala koji proizvodi “socijalne nepravde, nezaposlenost, bijedu, divlje privatizacije i deregulaciju tržišta rada” koja pogađa radničke mase. Pored takve antifašističke ljevice koja je borbu za prava radnika zamijenila borbom za homoseksualna prava, koja je klasnu borbu zamijenila rodnom teorijom i borbom za seksualne slobode na matrici dokonih i bogatih feministica, radnička klasa s pravom bježi Trumpu, Le Penovoj i Orbanu, suverenistima koji nisu fašisti, već političari koji su detektirali pravi problem, ma koliko vam bili antipatični.

Na primjeru Francuske ljevičar Fusaro sprda se s ljevičarima, antifašistima u funkciji kapitala, a ne rada koji ga, među inim, stvara. Kako bi pobijedio “fašisticu” Le Pen, ljevica je poduprla Rothschildovo dijete, ultrakapitalista Macrona koji zagovara deeticizirani ultrakapitalizam. Macron je preziratelj radnika, nazvao ih je “krezubima”, a u poznatoj izjavi još im pljunuo svisoka u facu: “Što misli ta europska radnička rulja, da je euro stvoren radi njihove sreće?” Rulja, krezubi..., toliko “lijepih riječi” o radnicima dugo nije izgovoreno, a ljevica u borbi protiv “fašista” dala svoj glas krupnom kapitalu, Macronu. Fusaro, koji nije ljubitelj Le Penove, ipak zaključuje: “Gospođa Le Pen je shvatila, kako bi zaštitila srednju i radničku klasu, da je potreban suverenitet (kao Trump ‘prvo Amerika’), i tako pružanje otpora globalizmu... Ljevica luđački identificira naciju s fašizmom, a gubitak suvereniteta smatra emancipacijom... Srušimo granice materijalne i nematerijalne, stvarne i simboličke (pa i između muškog i ženskog), shvatimo slobodu bez ikakvih limita, eto vam korisnih antifašističkih idiota u službi globalnog kapitala.”
Paradoks i perverzija antifašista farsične razmjere poprimila je u rušenju demokratski izabrane vlasti u Ukrajini. Naime, i kada se pojave stvarni nacifašisti, kao što je bio slučaj u Ukrajini kada su rušili vlast uz pomoć SAD-a i Europske unije, antifašisti su stali na stranu nacifašista, a jedinog, Putina, koji je u ovom državnom udaru prepoznao i jasno rekao da se radi o nacifašistima dirigiranim iz Bruxellesa, čitaj Berlina i Washingtona, Putina su nazvali, a što drugo nego – fašistom. Antifašisti koji podupiru fašiste, eto to su antifašisti današnjice. Antifašizam danas, lelujajući između tragičnog i komičnog, skončava u farsičnom, dozivajući u pamet scenarij “dvije minute mržnje” koji je Orwell iznio u djelu “1984.”, gdje u ime borbe protiv fašizma koji više ne postoji, nova ljevica, liberalna i antimarksistička, može mirno i s euforijom obgrliti i najneljudskiji kapitalizam, koji stvara vojske mladih bez posla i dužničko ropstvo po čitavom svijetu. No nema veze, bitno da Elton John sa svojim partnerom ima pravo napraviti si dijete, bitno da se protestira na vijest da su ugrožena jaja galapagoške kornjače, a na svaki mijauk neke frustrirane feministice upire prstom u fašiste. Očito ima istine u onoj izreci da će se fašisti 21. stoljeća nazivati antifašistima.
U Hrvatskoj i s našim antifašistima nije bitno drugačije. Perjanica hrvatskih antifašista je Stipe Mesić, čovjek koji je više puta glorificirao fašističku, kvislinšku Nezavisnu Državu Hrvatsku, čovjek koji je izjavio da je Jasenovac bio radni logor, čovjek koji je kao ljevičar i antifašist prvi krenuo u divlju privatizaciju devedesetih stavivši sa svojom kćerkom šapu na našičku cementaru, gdje ga je tih godina napao i sam Feral Tribune, kao predatora, da bi ga, nakon što je poslije neuspjelog državnog udara otuđen od “fašista” Tuđmana, počeo promovirati. To su naši antifašisti u medijima i politici, svatko tko ne misli kao oni je – fašist. Nemaštovito, glupo, zamračivanje stvarnosti u svrhu opravdanja vlastitog “antifašizma” i novca moraju izmišljati ustaše, a istovremeno oprostiti i našičke cementare, samo ako je lopov naš, a ne njihov. To što oni zovu antifašizam, u najblažoj verziji, možemo nazvati moralnim poduzetništvom uz pomoć širenja moralne panike. Na Mesiće ne treba više trošiti riječi...
U svijetu u kojem nema fašista, a bujaju antifašisti, u svijetu u kojem čak ni kineska Komunistička partija nije komunistička već kapitalistička, a bujaju antikomunisti koji kako danas, tako nekoć, uključujući i crvenog buržuja Tita, uopće ne vjeruju u komunizam, već u jahte “Galeb”, vile, skupa pića i odjeću, jedina “ideologija” i stranka od koje sve polazi i u kojoj sve skončava zove se – kapital, novac. A antifašisti su samo skupina lunatika, kako je upozorio Žižek, fetišista koji stvarnost (sukob rada i kapitala) zamračuju svojim dizanjem moralnih panika uz kompleks moralne superiornosti. Današnji antifašisti uvreda su svim onim hrabrim ljudima koji su, dok je fašizam haračio, digli svoj glas i oružje riskirajući život, dočim ovi uvaljeni u dobro plaćene fotelje, stranke i nevladine udruge šire moralnu paniku nad utvarom koju sami dozivaju, a onda se nude, u pauzi između kavijara i boce skupog vina, kao rješenje problema koji ne postoji. Današnji antifašisti uvreda su svim ljevičarima koji su stoljećima radili teško i mučno kako bi zaštitili radnike, povećali im prava, dočim ovi današnji štite kapital, a radnika su zamijenili homoseksualcem.
Adam Michnik rekao je kako su od komunista jedino gori antikomunisti, danas, na tragu globalnih lijevih ikona, Žižeka, Chomskog, Fusara..., može se reći da su od fašista gori jedino antifašisti. Kao što je u šali rekao talijanski pisac Ennio Flaiano: “U Italiji fašisti se dijele u dvije kategorije: fašisti i antifašisti.” U Hrvatskoj je Stipe Mesić živi dokaz ove tvrdnje. On je najveći fašist među našim antifašistima.
Analizirajući na isti način suvremene antifašiste poput citiranih ljevičarskih autora, filozof Marcelo Venziani zaključio je: “Zbog svega toga smatram, parafrazirajući Samuela Johnsona, nije domoljublje, nego antifašizam zadnje utočište hulja.” Potpisujem.
(P. S. Nisam antikapitalist, dapače, samo sam protiv onih degeneracija kapitalizma koje idu protiv čovjeka i suverenih naroda i država, a koje antifašisti izravno i neizravno promiču.)





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Izvrstan članak.

Eternal Fascism:
Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt

By Umberto Eco

Writing in New York Review of Books, 22 June 1995, pp.12-15. Excerpted in Utne Reader, November-December 1995, pp. 57-59.

The following version follows the text and formatting of the Utne Reader article, and in addition, makes the first sentence of each numbered point a statement in bold type. Italics are in the original.

For the full article, consult the New York Review of Books, purchase the full article online; or purchase Eco's new collection of essays: Five Moral Pieces.


In spite of some fuzziness regarding the difference between various historical forms of fascism, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it.
* * *

1. The first feature of Ur-Fascism is the cult of tradition.

Traditionalism is of course much older than fascism. Not only was it typical of counterrevolutionary Catholic thought after the French revolution, but is was born in the late Hellenistic era, as a reaction to classical Greek rationalism. In the Mediterranean basin, people of different religions (most of the faiths indulgently accepted by the Roman pantheon) started dreaming of a revelation received at the dawn of human history. This revelation, according to the traditionalist mystique, had remained for a long time concealed under the veil of forgotten languages -- in Egyptian hieroglyphs, in the Celtic runes, in the scrolls of the little-known religions of Asia.

This new culture had to be syncretistic. Syncretism is not only, as the dictionary says, "the combination of different forms of belief or practice;" such a combination must tolerate contradictions. Each of the original messages contains a sliver of wisdom, and although they seem to say different or incompatible things, they all are nevertheless alluding, allegorically, to the same primeval truth.

As a consequence, there can be no advancement of learning. Truth already has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message.

If you browse in the shelves that, in American bookstores, are labeled New Age, you can find there even Saint Augustine, who, as far as I know, was not a fascist. But combining Saint Augustine and Stonehenge -- that is a symptom of Ur-Fascism.

2. Traditionalism implies the rejection of modernism.

Both Fascists and Nazis worshipped technology, while traditionalist thinkers usually reject it as a negation of traditional spiritual values. However, even though Nazism was proud of its industrial achievements, its praise of modernism was only the surface of an ideology based upon blood and earth (Blut und Boden). The rejection of the modern world was disguised as a rebuttal of the capitalistic way of life. The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modern depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism can be defined as irrationalism.

3. Irrationalism also depends on the cult of action for action's sake.

Action being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without, reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation. Therefore culture is suspect insofar as it is identified with critical attitudes. Distrust of the intellectual world has always been a symptom of Ur-Fascism, from Hermann Goering's fondness for a phrase from a Hanns Johst play ("When I hear the word 'culture' I reach for my gun") to the frequent use of such expressions as "degenerate intellectuals," "eggheads," "effete snobs," and "universities are nests of reds." The official Fascist intellectuals were mainly engaged in attacking modern culture and the liberal intelligentsia for having betrayed traditional values.

4. The critical spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism.

In modern culture the scientific community praises disagreement as a way to improve knowledge. For Ur-Fascism, disagreement is treason.

5. Besides, disagreement is a sign of diversity.

Ur-Fascism grows up and seeks consensus by exploiting and exacerbating the natural fear of difference. The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist movement is an appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.

6. Ur-Fascism derives from individual or social frustration.

That is why one of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups. In our time, when the old "proletarians" are becoming petty bourgeois (and the lumpen are largely excluded from the political scene), the fascism of tomorrow will find its audience in this new majority.

7. To people who feel deprived of a clear social identity, Ur-Fascism says that their only privilege is the most common one, to be born in the same country.

This is the origin of nationalism. Besides, the only ones who can provide an identity to the nation are its enemies. Thus at the root of the Ur-Fascist psychology there is the obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia. But the plot must also come from the inside: Jews are usually the best target because they have the advantage of being at the same time inside and outside. In the United States, a prominent instance of the plot obsession is to be found in Pat Robertson's The New World Order, but, as we have recently seen, there are many others.

8. The followers must feel humiliated by the ostentatious wealth and force of their enemies.

When I was a boy I was taught to think of Englishmen as the five-meal people. They ate more frequently than the poor but sober Italians. Jews are rich and help each other through a secret web of mutual assistance. However, the followers of Ur-Fascism must also be convinced that they can overwhelm the enemies. Thus, by a continuous shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak. Fascist governments are condemned to lose wars because they are constitutionally incapable of objectively evaluating the force of the enemy.

9. For Ur-Fascism there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.

Thus pacifism is trafficking with the enemy. It is bad because life is permanent warfare. This, however, brings about an Armageddon complex. Since enemies have to be defeated, there must be a final battle, after which the movement will have control of the world. But such "final solutions" implies a further era of peace, a Golden Age, which contradicts the principle of permanent war. No fascist leader has ever succeeded in solving this predicament.

10. Elitism is a typical aspect of any reactionary ideology, insofar as it is fundamentally aristocratic, and aristocratic and militaristic elitism cruelly implies contempt for the weak.

Ur-Fascism can only advocate a popular elitism. Every citizen belongs to the best people in the world, the members or the party are the best among the citizens, every citizen can (or ought to) become a member of the party. But there cannot be patricians without plebeians. In fact, the Leader, knowing that his power was not delegated to him democratically but was conquered by force, also knows that his force is based upon the weakness of the masses; they are so weak as to need and deserve a ruler.

11. In such a perspective everybody is educated to become a hero.

In every mythology the hero is an exceptional being, but in Ur-Fascist ideology heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death. It is not by chance that a motto of the Spanish Falangists was Viva la Muerte ("Long Live Death!"). In nonfascist societies, the lay public is told that death is unpleasant but must be faced with dignity; believers are told that it is the painful way to reach a supernatural happiness. By contrast, the Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life. The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his impatience, he more frequently sends other people to death.

12. Since both permanent war and heroism are difficult games to play, the Ur-Fascist transfers his will to power to sexual matters.

This is the origin of machismo (which implies both disdain for women and intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from chastity to homosexuality). Since even sex is a difficult game to play, the Ur-Fascist hero tends to play with weapons -- doing so becomes an ersatz phallic exercise.

13. Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say.

In a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view -- one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the Leader pretends to be their interpreter. Having lost their power of delegation, citizens do not act; they are only called on to play the role of the People. Thus the People is only a theatrical fiction. There is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted as the Voice of the People.

Because of its qualitative populism, Ur-Fascism must be against "rotten" parliamentary governments. Wherever a politician casts doubt on the legitimacy of a parliament because it no longer represents the Voice of the People, we can smell Ur-Fascism.

14. Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak.

Newspeak was invented by Orwell, in Nineteen Eighty-Four, as the official language of what he called Ingsoc, English Socialism. But elements of Ur-Fascism are common to different forms of dictatorship. All the Nazi or Fascist schoolbooks made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning. But we must be ready to identify other kinds of Newspeak, even if they take the apparently innocent form of a popular talk show.

* * *

Ur-Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plainclothes. It would be so much easier for us if there appeared on the world scene somebody saying, "I want to reopen Auschwitz, I want the Blackshirts to parade again in the Italian squares." Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises. Our duty is to uncover it and to point our finger at any of its new instances — every day, in every part of the world. Franklin Roosevelt's words of November 4, 1938, are worth recalling: "If American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism will grow in strength in our land." Freedom and liberation are an unending task.

Umberto Eco (c) 1995

slidingdoorsoperator wrote:Izvrstan članak.

Istina jako dobar, pronicljiv, zapravo dugo nisam pročitao nešto što je kod nas napisano toliko slobodoumno i bez ikakvih ograda i predrasuda

sola mi jedan od glupljih kolumnista
zajedno s njegovim pricama iz proslog stoljeca

 u svijetu u kojem čak ni kineska Komunistička partija nije komunistička već kapitalistička

to tvrde i ovi naši libertarijamci  

debotoijusto wrote:sola mi jedan od glupljih kolumnista
zajedno s njegovim pricama iz proslog stoljeca

ima stvari koje nisu tocne ali sustina teksta je stigla na cilj
a da tebe cujemo malo sa argumentima za promjenu kad se vec javljas
ajd

Nisam čitao sve, preletio sam. To je manje više ono o čemu i ovdje govorimo već duže vrijeme.

Ono što prijatno iznenađuje i daje nadu je da se protiv antiofašizma kao takvog digla ljevica.

Ona ga se mora riješiti jer se na njenom lenu ugnijezdio i posisao joj supstancu.

prckov wrote:

debotoijusto wrote:sola mi jedan od glupljih kolumnista
zajedno s njegovim pricama iz proslog stoljeca

ima stvari koje nisu tocne ali sustina teksta je stigla na cilj
a da tebe cujemo malo sa argumentima za promjenu kad se vec javljas
ajd

...al te ne smeta jer trubi stalno 3-4 nategnute teze koje ti odgovaraju

debotoijusto wrote:

prckov wrote:

debotoijusto wrote:sola mi jedan od glupljih kolumnista
zajedno s njegovim pricama iz proslog stoljeca

ima stvari koje nisu tocne ali sustina teksta je stigla na cilj
a da tebe cujemo malo sa argumentima za promjenu kad se vec javljas
ajd

...al te ne smeta jer trubi stalno 3-4 nategnute teze koje ti odgovaraju

ne vrludaj, argumente

Prava ljevica i ne postoji, već samo liberalna dekadencija u službi sve brutalnijeg kapitalizma.

Izuzev ako debo nije ljevica :D

epikur37 wrote:Izuzev ako debo nije ljevica :D

naravno da jest, 
a te kvalifikacije prava-kriva su suplje
postojala je klasicna ljevica koja je metarmoforzirala u ovo sto je sad - I to ti je sad prava jer za drugu niko I ne cuje niti je ima
kao sto je klasicni liberalizam u lijevi liberalizam
u engleskoj su konzervativci na istoj liniji kao I ova nova ljevica

prckov wrote:

epikur37 wrote:Izuzev ako debo nije ljevica :D

naravno da jest, 
a te kvalifikacije prava-kriva su suplje

Isto sam ti prigovorio za liberalizam :)

Liberali su za multikulti, pedere, protiv crkve, naroda i države.

epikur37 wrote:

prckov wrote:

epikur37 wrote:Izuzev ako debo nije ljevica :D

naravno da jest, 
a te kvalifikacije prava-kriva su suplje

Isto sam ti prigovorio za liberalizam :)

Liberali su za multikulti, pedere, protiv crkve, naroda i države.

nisu, lijevi liberali jesu
australski liberali nisu
ali mainstream kultura u australiji je ljevicarska, tako da zeleni I radnicka partija koji se otvoreno zalazu za to sto si naveo, uvjek ima sansu da uzmu liberalima izbore ako ne popuste na nekim of tih budalastina koje ljevica promovira kroz kulturu vec dugi niz godina. Svi profesori su ljevicari na zapadu, onih 2% nisu ni bitni, cak npr. na nastavi otvoreno pozivaju na fizicku likvidaciju trampa
kultura je opcenito lijevo orjentirana a to je na zapadu naslo podrsku of masa radi socijale I privida o dobroj drzavi koja brine za narod.

 tko god se protiv divljajućeg ekonomskog fanatizma i devastirajućih učinaka globalističkog kapitala na nacionalne ekonomije postavi kao suverenist, odmah je fašist.

ča je to divljajući  ekonomski fanatizam i devastirajući učinak globalizacije?

šola je fašist

prckov wrote:

epikur37 wrote:

prckov wrote:

epikur37 wrote:Izuzev ako debo nije ljevica :D

naravno da jest, 
a te kvalifikacije prava-kriva su suplje

Isto sam ti prigovorio za liberalizam :)

Liberali su za multikulti, pedere, protiv crkve, naroda i države.

nisu, lijevi liberali jesu
australski liberali nisu
ali mainstream kultura u australiji je ljevicarska, tako da zeleni I radnicka partija koji se otvoreno zalazu za to sto si naveo, uvjek ima sansu da uzmu liberalima izbore ako ne popuste na nekim of tih budalastina koje ljevica promovira kroz kulturu vec dugi niz godina. Svi profesori su ljevicari na zapadu, onih 2% nisu ni bitni, cak npr. na nastavi otvoreno pozivaju na fizicku likvidaciju trampa
kultura je opcenito lijevo orjentirana a to je na zapadu naslo podrsku of masa radi socijale I privida o dobroj drzavi koja brine za narod.

ča to znoči biti za pedere a protiv crikve noroda, države?

stvori tribo malo jasnije objašnjavati, inače samo govorimo o unutarnjin i vanjskin neprijateljima.